While skilled labour migration across international borders is a phenomenon of increasing significance in the age of globalization and an important component in the production of global cities, it has not been given sufficient attention in traditional migration analyses. Recent research has focused on institutional mechanisms regulating the patterns of skill transfer rather than the individual experience of being part of the international labour circuit. Women, in particular, have usually been relegated to the role of 'trailing spouses' and are generally invisible in the migration process. Using a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews, this article attempts to reinstate the importance of women's roles by portraying them as active agents who adopt a range of strategies in negotiating the move and coming to terms with the transformations wrought by the move in the domains of home, work and community. It argues that skilled labour migration is a strongly gendered process, producing different sets of experiences for the men and women involved in it. While international circulation often represents 'career moves' for expatriate men, their spouses often experience a devalorization of their productive functions and a relegation to the domestic sphere. As an adaptive strategy, expatriate women often turn to the social and community sphere to reach for grounding in their lives. The article also points to the diversity of 'expatriate experiences': while 'western' expatriates tend to recreate a more exclusive world by drawing on strong institutional support, 'Asian' expatriates find that they have to navigate much finer social and cultural divides between themselves and the host society.This study illustrates different immigration strategies, by country of origin, in establishing oneself in the destination country. Western expatriates tend to rely on strong institutional support. Asian expatriates must navigate much finer sociocultural differences. This study examined how women define gender identities in their strategies for adjusting to home, work, and community. Singapore defines expatriates as those with a professional degree and a high salary. Economic policies in Singapore have enhanced the growth of expatriates. The estimated expatriate population in Singapore amounts to about 80,000 persons, of whom 6000-8000 are long-term migrants from the US. The largest single minority migrant population are Japanese (20,000). Data were obtained from interviews among 116 women and 78 men from Holland Enclave, various foreign schools, and charitable and social organizations. In-depth interviews were conducted among 10 Western female migrants and 10 Asian female migrants aged 27-47 years. 77% moved due to their spouse's employment. 81% had paid work in their own country, but only 44.8% were employed in Singapore. Women experienced barriers to part-time work in Singapore, child care options, and linkages to Singapore society. 67.3% of Asians and 26.6% of Westerners had paid work. 84.5% were responsible for housework. 75% of Westerners and 33% of Asians adopted new roles as homemakers, regardless of their educational level. Social networks revolved around schools and nationality based social clubs. The authors suggest that global cities must also provide an inclusive environment for both men and women of diverse ethnic backgrounds.

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Singapore gender issues women's role skill transfer labour migration migration determinants